The Third Way: Zimbabwe's last Chimurenga

The Third Way: Zimbabwe's last Chimurenga

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By Prof Jonathan Moyo

CONTINUED.....
HISTORICAL ROOTS OF THE THIRD WAY
At independence in 1980, Zimbabwe had all the necessary political background to be Africa’s first real sovereign multiparty democracy pursuing economic growth and development for all Zimbabweans. The existence of PF Zapu and Zanu PF provided the necessary fountain for a strong nationalist base from two different points of view informed by Zimbabwe’s liberation struggles since 1890. Abel Muzorewa’s African National Council, Ndabaningi Sithole’s Zanu and Ian Smith’s Republican Front had their own limited but strong constituencies to have assured vibrant multiparty politics in Zimbabwe, only if they had not been crushed by Zanu PF outside electoral politics.

The fact that the Rhodesians had built a limited but fairly sophisticated economic infrastructure driven by agriculture and a viable import substitution industrial strategy combined with an excellent skill base brought by black Zimbabweans who had studied or worked at some of the best institutions or companies around the world to give Zimbabwe a comparative advantage in pursuing economic growth and development. Related to this, a formidable class of black businessmen such as the Zwambilas, Mwayeras, Chinamoras and many others had developed during Rhodesian days. This class generally supported the liberation war and stood ready at independence to take off into real entrepreneurship subject to support by the new black government led by then Prime Minister Robert Mugabe. But no such support was given.

As we all know, the new black government claimed to be socialist and adopted a hostile attitude to the black business class and closed all doors for its development. This point warrants repetition and emphasis: The black government at Zimbabwe’s independence did not respect or assist black business people, including those who had actively supported the liberation struggle, under the socialist pretext that the State would be the leading engine of growth and development. In the circumstances, there were no black empowerment programs at independence. Nothing like what they have in South Africa, through which the likes of Cyril Ramaphosa have left politics into business.

Even today, black empowerment is just a political slogan in Zanu PF. The government would rather have state enterprises than support black business people. This explains why the Zanu PF government has generally been disdainful of black businesspeople and why many Zanu PF politicians are also struggling in business because they have sought to fill the vacuum via pilferage of State resources. No wonder why many genuine and committed businesspeople have had it impossible under Zanu PF rule and why, given the failure of the MDC to meet the leadership challenge, the business community is a necessary part of the Third Way.

It should also be remembered that while the Zanu PF government shut the door on black business people at independence, it grudgingly opened the same business doors to the white community, the former Rhodesians, whom it did not want to see anywhere near in politics where the doors were shut. So the government created an environment in which politics was seen as an area for blacks and business for whites. This has had a profound impact on our national politics and national economy to this day. The fact that there were more whites apparently ready to fund the MDC when it emerged in 2000 can be explained by this historical fact which also explains why many black businessmen in Zimbabwe are generally suspicious of politicians to this day.

The Third Way provides a fresh opportunity for the business community to be at the center of national politics as is the case in constitutional democracies around the world. Zimbabwe’s sovereignty, democracy and human rights, economic growth and development cannot be assured without the involvement of the business community as a matter of national interest and security. Zanu PF has miserably failed to achieve this while the MDC has been too preoccupied with the rhetoric of democracy and human rights and has seen the Zimbabwean business community only as a source of funding and not a decisive political ally in its own right.

An important historical root of the Third Way is to be found in the way Zanu PF has treated the nationalist opposition in Zimbabwe, especially PF Zapu whose nationalist credentials and role in the liberation struggle could not be denied or ignored. Abel Muzorewa’s ANC and Ndabaningi Sithole’s Zanu were branded permanent enemies by virtue of their participation in the internal settlement that led to the temporary existence of the opprobrium called “Zimbabwe Rhodesia”. Ian Smith’s Republican Front was killed by a constitutional amendment that abolished 20% of the parliamentary seats that had been reserved for whites at the Lancaster House constitutional talks.

Only PF Zapu remained. Because PF Zapu’s nationalist and liberation credentials were beyond questioning by Zanu PF, and because Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo was more senior to Robert Mugabe in the liberation movement, killing PF Zapu as an opposition party required more than the use of anti-imperialist and anti-UDI propaganda similar to what we hear about Tony Blair applied to the MDC. Yet Mugabe’s Zanu PF was prepared to kill PF Zapu and to humiliate Joshua Nkomo.

A spurious claim that PZ Zapu had cashed some arms of war through some of its so-called dissident elements bent on over throwing a constitutionally elected government was invented and used to justify the State murder of more than 20,000 innocent civilians at the hands of Gukurahundi forces. After the 1985 elections, a “Murambatsvina” like operation was unleashed on PF Zapu supporters, especially in Harare, who had their properties destroyed and thrown onto the streets. Many of the people involved in this are still around, some in Zanu PF and others now in the MDC. Times do indeed change.

If there is one major setback, in fact the biggest blow, to our sovereignty and nationalism as shared values, it is the death of PF Zapu at the hands of Zanu PF. If PF Zapu had survived the Zanu PF onslaught, Zimbabwe would be a democratic and prosperous country today. Yes, Zimbabwe desperately needed PF Zapu to remain independent from Zanu PF. The unity of the two was definitely not national unity at all, ordinary PF Zapu members did not benefit anything and that’s why virtually all of them are not willing to vote for Zanu PF today. The nation as a whole got a de facto one party state from that unity and so did not benefit either.

Therefore, and sadly, PF Zapu did not survive as its leadership was battered into submission and the Unity Accord was signed on December 22, 1987, an event that formally marked the end of PF Zapu when it was swallowed by Zanu PF. This event left Zanu PF as the only political party to use sovereignty and nationalism as its core ideology and to claim that all other parties are imperialist creations. The Third Way responds precisely to this historically fallacy.

We all now know how the MDC has found itself trapped by its association with certain commercial elements in the white community, especially white farmers, and trapped by British and American interests, especially British Prime Minister Tony Blair who himself has lacked pragmatic wisdom in the way he has handled the Zimbabwean issue. Basically, Zanu PF has cornered the MDC and painted it as a British creation and this perception, whatever the reality actually is, has carried the day such that the MDC cannot easily extricate itself out of the stigma.

Yet we also know that the MDC is not a monolithic organization and its opportunistic association with the British government has a lot of loopholes. That is why the Third Way is necessary for many in the MDC to get out of the corner and be able to express their nationalism and commitment to Zimbabwe’s sovereignty and for many more in Zanu PF to express their commitment to democracy, human rights, good governance and economic development all which have hitherto eluded the ruling party.

THE THIRD WAY AS THE LAST CHIMURENGA

In essence, the situation we have in Zimbabwe today is as follows. There are two main political parties that have basically become irrelevant against the background of chronic government policy failure with a collapsed national economy characterized by three digit inflation, massive poverty, unemployment levels that are over 75%, foreign currency reserves that cannot last for more three days, an informal sector that has been decimated when it used to provide livelihood to over five million people, factories that have been shut down, an exodus of trained and skilled professionals and a credit unworthy nation that has been turned into a pariah state in international relations.

The time has come for Zimbabweans to fight the Last Chimurenga. This situation calls for a revolution; a people’s revolution. The rot that now obtains in Zimbabwe cannot be reversed through the niceties of formal or legalistic measures. In any constitutional democracy, the people are sovereign, not the President, not his political party and not his government.

The Third Way represents a revolution with triple pillars: (1) sovereignty of the people of Zimbabwe, (2) democracy and human rights for the people of Zimbabwe and (3) economic growth and development for the people of Zimbabwe.

In pursuit of this revolution, we must all realize and accept that it is our revolution that must be executed and led by Zimbabweans for Zimbabwe. The Third Way provides a forum and means for the revolution that we must now fight fearlessly. We agree that Zimbabwe should never be a colony, again; and in that connection we also declare that Zimbabwe will never be a tyranny, again; and we dedicate ourselves to the pursuit of economic growth and development of our country and to meaningful relationships with other nations to promote our national interest.

THE WAY FORWARD

As a United People’s Movement, the Third Way has the potential to unleash our national genius by tapping on the best skills, best practices, best effort and the pragmatic support from an overwhelming majority of Zimbabweans across the political divide at home and in the Diaspora.

What is needed for this great potential to materialize and blossom into a collective good is a critical core of principled, courageous and committed nationalist leadership capable of transcending the blinding limits of the ruling Zanu PF and the opposition MDC without fear or favor.

Again, the situation in Zimbabwe has gotten out of hand and now demands a total revolution: the Last Chimurenga. The goals of the revolution are clear: to safeguard our national sovereignty which is now at risk through Zanu PF misrule; to foster democracy, human rights and good governance of our national affairs and to engender economic growth and development for the prosperity of our nation and all its people.

In a revolution, everyone plays their part. As such, the time has come for Zimbabweans to bury their petty differences and be guided by the big picture of our country. Let us refuse to dwell on personalities and focus on the issues and be determined to make our country all that it can be for our common good. We must remember that its never who is saying or doing what that matters but what is being said and done that makes all the difference in the world. Let us be prepared to use anything and everything at our disposal as individuals, families, businesses, churches, NGOs and communities to go for the common good beyond tribal corners and party boundaries. Let us all follow the Third Way.

As we follow the Third Way, let us be prepared to suffer and take maximum possible risks by marshalling the kinds of ways and means that will make the kind of difference that we all want in the full knowledge that we will win no matter what because our objectives are noble, virtuous, legal and therefore just.

Forward with the Third Way! Forward with the Last Chimurenga and Forward with a United People’s Movement!.....» GO BACK TO PAGE 1
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